Quo Vadis international school? "In times of drastic change, it is the learners who inherit the future." (E Hoffer) In the National Education System Act of 2003, the government introduced the new classification of the school. The school is called, among other international schools (SBI), with the category of independent schools (SKM), and the usual school groups (SB). At SBI, the education given the space to use the syllabus of learning and assessment, which is generally used in secondary schools in countries that joined in the OECD. Syllabus learning and assessment functions as the only material to the enrichment of the national curriculum (KTSP). Meanwhile, for schools with the independent category, the education providers can use the semester credit system (SKS) as often in universities. On the other hand, ordinary schools only provide education in classical and using KTSP. Although the classification of schools that may well be seen to encourage change and improve the quality of education, socialization is not running because the maximum, the result is still a little confusing people. In 2004/05, SMAN 70 Jakarta and the high school syllabus Labschool begin adopting the Cambridge Advanced Level (A Level) in order to enrich the national curriculum on the students. Furthermore, the same program introduced in the State Senior High School 8 Jakarta, SMA Negeri 21 Jakarta, and 68 state high schools in Jakarta. Now, international schools (SBI) is scattered in a number of districts and cities in the country. It is estimated, the end of budget year 2009, the number of SBI will reach 260 schools, consisting of 100 senior high schools, junior (100), and SMK (60), which is expected to be able to release the predicate school rintisannya (Pena Education / online edition, March 28, 2008) . Good practices Although the international qualifications of the program is still relatively short, some schools that use the Cambridge IGCSE / A Level in Jakarta has begun to show results of successful work severity. Performance and progress that is a result of the development, dampingan, and supervision of the systematic, regular, and measured by a team of developers SBI established the Office of Secondary Education and Higher Jakarta. It can be seen from the growing awareness of the importance to continue to learn and reflect (reflective teaching and learning) and the development of knowledge and awareness of the democratic and multicultural education, as evidenced when they serve students with the ability, speed, and a variety of interests. Teachers in the SBI to understand the meaning of the concept of deep-learning, higher order thinking skills, and contextual learning for students to know and the more limited, and benefit from learning Rote learning, which is used in ordinary schools. Meanwhile, the progress shown by the students on the attitude seems to independence, responsibility, ability to work together, honesty, tolerance, and Risk Taking. Results of gaining students in the IGCSE exam in the first three years (2005-2007) is quite delightful. As is known, the Cambridge A Level program is a golden standard of its Cambridge International Examination (CIE), which is recognized certificate for a number of ivy League foreign universities, such as the University of Cambridge, Oxford University, Harvard University, MIT, and Stanford University. Pros from other programs is the learning IGCSE Cambridge assessment and more emphasis on problem-solving ability, to foster creative thinking, and autentik (contextual learning), the material seem a little more difficult. In the IGCSE, almost all of the selected subjects (math, english as a second language, physics, chemistry, and biology), the achievement of students is to give hope, as shown in the graph comparing the results of IGCSE 2005-2006 and 2006-2007 below. ;;;;;; Even for mathematics, the average high school students of Jakarta, which have value (CA) percentage is higher than the student participants over 140 countries Cambridge IGCSE syllabus in the world. Results IGCSE and A Level the period 2005-2007 is enough to give students an overview that middle-school students are also able to show our international performance, although they must be issued without a budget is very large as the Olympics of Science and Mathematics. As far as the development of the SBI can be used as indicators of the interest and desire of management education in schools and madrasah for innovation and improving the quality of education. Curiosity and courage to try to begin to grow with the positive and delightful. However, a slightly worrying from our findings in several areas, was the speed in the schools to make changes (to adopt syllabus learning and assessment foreigners) are still not balanced with efforts to systematically strengthen and improve the quality of resources, personnel (principals, teachers, and management), build a system of accountability and control over all the academic activities and financial administration of schools. As a result, the growth of the SBI so quickly that even cause problems, kontraproduksi, and loss of direction (a sense of direction). With the loss of the message changes, which changes from the previous tecermin the school management to become more transparent, accountable and participatory, the program is suspected of SBI will only bring a new emergency on the community. Low quality of the management of SBI recognized Surya Dharma PhD, Director of the Ministry of Education staff. 260 school heads from the SBI, given the English language ability test, TOEIC, according to Surya Dharma, only 10% have adequate ability, while the remainder, only 90% of their ability score reached 245, meaning that is still below the basic level (Elementary). Other data, the results of IELTS test, which will be projected teacher can teach in class stub international situation is similar. From about 40 participants, less than 20% are able to obtain IELTS score between 4,0-4,5, while the rest only a score between 2,5-3,7. Even a teacher allowed to teach international program must have a minimum score of 6.5 on IELTS (or a score of 550 on the TOEFL). The results of an assessment of competency and academic ability of teachers pedagogical instructor shows the situation is almost the same, unfortunate. On the basis of that, the Ministry of Education is expected to be little to keep and control the growth of schools SBI. The Ministry of Education should dare to begin reflection on the concept and implementation of SBI so far. The Ministry of Education (directorate-level central directorate builder, the center of curriculum, assessment center, and offices of education) must be able to sit together to formulate policies on the back of SBI with better and more measurable. The Ministry of Education must be prepared Roadmap SBI, revisited curriculum framework, reviewing standards, assessment and evaluation program used for this. So that the results of the study can be more optimal result, the Ministry of Education should also involve schools joined in the national plus school (NSP) and other educational institutions that have been experienced and successful in managing international education programs (international Credentials). The Ministry of Education should try to release the attitudes have (possessive) over the ability to grow and start working together (Collaborative works) with institutions / individuals outside the government (non-state agencies) that might be seen during this very critical of some government policies. Efforts to improve the quality of education must be supported by development of teachers, principals, and management (capacity building), which conducted a systematic, measurable, and sustainable development by involving all stakeholders in education. Understanding the importance of development resources, personnel (SDK) in a sustainable it must put in every manager and implementing education policies and central regions. In addition, the function and role of school principals should always be more diefektifkan mainly related to the management of learning (AND management) and monitoring and evaluation (monitoring and evaluation). Head of school should be a model and source of inspiration for teachers, students, and other management schools. Furthermore, the head of the school with other education stakeholders should be able to build and develop a shared vision of the school and developed together, too. Any changes will bring new challenges and expectations. However, as mentioned by Hoffer at the beginning of this writing, only for those who can afford to maintain and nourish motivasinya to continue learning (Learner), which will be able to inherit and control the future of the planet that is always changing. Syamsir by Nature, The Education Foundation Sukma Source www.media-indonesia.com |
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Selasa, 09 Desember 2008
Quo Vadis international school?
Debate Lumpur Sidoarjo
In addition to this hypothetical need to be proven correct, there is still a hypothetical two more near, the mud volcano caused remobilisasi zone, high (overpressured zone) through the field tereaktifikasi fault that the increased movement by the earthquake and tektonik (Mazzini et.al., 2007) and hypothetical Geothermal , The discharge superheated hydrothermal fluids bertemperatur and high pressure through the field rekahan (Sudarman et.al. 2007).
Tektonik increase in activity as a cause of the emergence of mud in Sidoarjo (Lusi) support the increased activity of Mount Merapi and Semeru three days after the Yogyakarta earthquake on 27 May 2006 and the accident results of drilling mud loss (loss circulation) in the wells Banjarpanji-1 about 10 minutes after the earthquake and the total circulation loss of 2 times after the aftershock. Thermal data recorded Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectrometer (MODIS) shows the increase in the activities of Mount Merapi and Semeru of 2-3 times, as discussed in the Harris and Ripepe Paper, 2007.
Mud volcano is not new in East Java, as we can see at Scone collapse structure (7km from Lusi), Kalang Anyar & Pulungan (Sedati, Sidoarjo), Mount Anyar (Campus UPN Surabaya), Bleduk Kuwu & Keradenan (Pretoria) , Wringin Anom / Pengangson (Lawrence), Semolowaru (Campus Unitomo, Surabaya), Dawar Blandong (Greystones), Sangiran (Central Java), Socah (Belfast, Madura). Mud volcano has been there since the days of old, even recorded in the Book of Pararaton, Fiber Sheena, Chronicle of the velocity, folklore Timun Mas (Satyana, 2007). Only the time of birth is associated with the drilling of wells as the cause.
After data is analyzed drilling wells, appeared in the wells UgBO not happen. The pressure in the well is too low to cause rekahan long rekahan arrest and has remained open so that the mud out. Sumurnya it, which is the easiest route (the path least Resistance) for the discharge of mud in the dead, not removing the mud, liquids and gases. Even since the beginning of Lusi mud have been issued with a very high velocity, as 50.000m3 or more than 300,000 bbl / day, the BOP (blowout preventer) in the open. Drilling activity can still be done, such as fishing, cementing and circulating, and others.
At the initial spurt, debit mud equivalent to a third of U.S. oil production, at the peak velocity exceeds Indonesia's oil production, a million barrels per day. The likelihood is very small for a well to remove the debit extreme, the required parameters such as flow and Reservoir permeability greater than 3,500 wells mD with a radius of 2,286 times (about 1.4 km diameter) and exposed in the formation kujung setebal 3,200 times. Simulation is done with debit formula radial flow Equation Darcy Law (Nawangsidi, 2007). As an illustration, permeability, the highest production wells in the formation kujung of 22.5 MD. So, to achieve the required parameters debit Lusi flow 140 times larger.
When first outburst occurred on 29 May 2006, performed well in the injectivity test to determine whether storm-related wells. After drilling mud dipompakan as much as 2 times, there are no signs of a decrease in pressure as the tire leak. The pressure to survive at 900 psi. Injectivity next test conducted on the following day before cementation with the injection pressure of 370 psi with a rate of 2.5 bbl / minute which also showed no relationship between the spray and wells.
Key to determine whether the formation is broken with the calculation of whether there have been UgBO that lead to high pressure that split the point on the formation terlemah. The calculation of the value of using the shut in casing pressure, fluid density, bottom hole pressure and leak-off test data. The calculation that must be using the data read in the wells and the facts that occurred in the field. From the calculations revealed that the formation is not broken.
One effort to investigate whether there is a relationship between the spray and the wells are snubbing time of the operation and re-entry well in the long sonan do with the temperature and logging. If there UgBO, formation will be broken at the point terlemah in the casing shoe and mud flows will be back in the chassis. However, the results of logging sonan not show the 'noise' as a rule if there is a flow Fluid behind the casing and there is no deviation of the temperature anomaly is expected if there have been UgBO.
If the storm associated with the wells and flow through the wells, several months after the storm should only hole wells that have not yet installed a large chassis as tergerus Fluid flow, which is very large. Theory is often expressed by groups UgBO, when Fluid flows from the formation kujung possibilities in the formation kalibeng clay, breaking the formation and bring the results gerusan mud. If so what happened, 'fish' in the hole that should have fallen, not because the hole squeezed again has become very large. In fact, during the snubbing operation at the end of June until the end of the re-entry operations in mid-August, 2006, 'fish' is not life, not fall, and remain in position when the first left.
Differences in opinion and interpretation is actually normal. However, because of concerns the intent of many people, how beautiful if bunker-bunker that contradict each other sitting together, to see the data and the fact that indeed happens, discuss, debate and thorough.
Unfortunately, it does not happen in their own country. Thus the Geological Society in London and the American Association of Petroleum hand movement (AAPG) in Cape Town that will be on the special session on Lusi arena as experts debate the world. When the victims continue to be resolved, concerning the emergence of the trigger spray Lusi need dituntaskan. On the forum held in a thorough debate and held in Indonesia?
By Bambang Istadi, Geolog and Petroleum Practitioners
Law Propublik Hajj?
Mentioned the fact that Law No. 17 Hajj 1999 is beginning the process of government efforts in making improvements and changes of the pilgrimage. However, within 10 years after the process of political reform progress, the PILGRIM less impressed still meet the aspirations of the reform, particularly in the aspects of efficiency and effectiveness of services, protection, and justice in berhaji. Yet again the issue of transparency and accountability of public services pilgrimage, which always get the shaft.
Along with these demands, the government actually has to do with the initiative to submit the draft law perhajian since 2006. After discussion in the hearings (hearing) the House of Representatives Commission VIII progress in the time range for 2 years and 5 months, since 28 April 2008 Hajj Tax Act 17 of 1999 officially replaced by Law No. 13 of 2008 on the Organization of Worship Hajj. As an improvement from the previous law, Law No. 13 of 2008 has some design modifications of the pilgrimage, which put the principle of fairness, professionalism, accountability and the principles of non-profit.
As is known, Law No. 13 of 2008 contains a Chapter 17 with 69 articles, while Law No. 17 of 1999 Chapter 16 contains 30 articles. Identification of some of the differences between the Law No. 13 Year 2008 and Law No. 17 of 1999 must be prepared and disseminated by following the pattern of changes in the definition. For example, Article 7, which must be translated in the form of government regulation, 1 article in the Presidential Regulation, 14 articles in the form of the Minister of Religious Affairs Regulations, and Article 1 to the Regulation in the scheme.
Three Sensitive Issues
Three issues are sensitive in the Hajj Law No. 13 Year 2008 is on the Management Asset Management and Development of the cost of PILGRIM (BPIH), management of funds eternal nation (DAU), and the new body which will oversee the implementation of the PILGRIM, namely Hajj Commission of the Philippines (KPHI). The three issues that need extra attention, especially from the way the Ministry of Religious Affairs to formulate the objectives, indicators and mechanisms for the management of funds and institutions in the implementation of the scheme in accordance with the law.
About BPIH management, if there is a good idea to the Ministry of Law No. 17 of 2003 on State Finance, especially Article 2 paragraph h and i. It is intended that all of the planning process to fund the implementation of the BPIH can be controlled by the public. In addition, the scheme accountability also become easier because almost all the Nomenclature and the terminology used in the State Finance Law fit with the country's financial system checks. Unlike what happened during this, when the funds are used without reference BPIH adequate.
DAU also be similar management, namely the mechanisms stipulated in the State Finance Law. In addition, the Ministry of Religious Affairs should also be sensitive in preparing the criteria, requirements, procedures and the use of the DAU. There is a good idea if the DAU as the amount used for efforts to increase the quality of construction, services, and protection of Hajj congregation, particularly the process of development and services pascahaji who impressed during this ignored.
In addition, in order to answer criticism about the central role of the Ministry of Religious Affairs as well as the regulator of the Hajj operators, in the law that established several new articles on the KPHI as independent and autonomous. Institutions will be appointed president with the consent of the House of Representatives, and working full time to perform functions such as supervision of the monitoring, evaluation, technical assistance, and provide recommendations on the implementation of improvement efforts pilgrimage. The role of the Ministry of Religious Affairs in preparing and formulating the tasks, functions and procedures of appointment and dismissal member commission that will reflect whether the Department of Religion in the pro reform and changes or not.
If the third issue is managed well in a management framework which is transparent and accountable, as a public policy pilgrimage is expected to be implemented in accordance with the principle and purpose, as diterakan in Law No. 13 Year 2008. Therefore, the management framework of the policy of religious pilgrimage, which will be elaborated in the law, their children form of Government Regulation, Presidential Regulation, the Minister of Religious Affairs Regulations, and the Regulation must rely on the principle and goal.
As a form of public service in the area, Haji moment of the inception of a new law that can be used to create the Department of Religious strong social capital in the midst of the community. Strong social capital can be created if the implementation and management of the pilgrimage can increase trust, kohesifitas, altruisme, mutual assistance, networking, collaboration and social (Blakeley and Suggate, 1997). In the language of Fukuyama and Putnam, a public policy imperative to create social capital as a capability arising from the trust (Trust) in a community (Spellerberg, 1997). As well as the financial capital, social capital can only be seen as resources that can be used for efforts to repair process, service, protection and pilgrimage to the front.
By A Baedowi, staff at the Directorate General of Phu-Theft
Source www.media-indonesia.com
Reform recruitment policy to aid RI's military budget
Evan A. Laksmana
Vice President Jusuf Kalla remarked during the recent IndoDefence Expo 2008 that the strengthening of Indonesia's defense sector by prioritizing operational readiness and the main weapons system remains a national imperative.
This statement, however, does not explicitly acknowledge the underlying problem of an underfunded military. The possible takeover of the Indonesian Military (TNI) businesses and the aging weaponry displayed during the Marine Corps anniversary recently are examples of how crucial the insufficient defense budget is.
Are we simply cursed with an everlasting underfunded military?
Since its inception during the Independence War, the military has never had adequate funding from the government, even during the heyday of Sukarno and Soeharto.
Today, although enjoying a much larger defense budget than before, defense officials claim the government is only funding around 30 percent of its current needs.
The debate surrounding this claim notwithstanding, the problem of defense budgeting is about many inter-related issues, including the TNI's business activities, the lack of transparency and accountability in defense management, doctrinal stagnation and the financial capacity of the central government.
The complexities attached to each issue seem to lead to a "fatalistic" argument that the problem of defense budgeting will always persist.
The possible long-term solution to this age-old conundrum actually lies not in Jakarta, but all the way over in Magelang, at the Military Academy.
In hindsight, we could begin by looking at the fact that the largest portion of Indonesia's military budget goes to personnel salaries.
Lex Rieffel and Jaleswari Pramodhawardani argued in a paper published last year that personnel costs account for 45 percent of the total defense outlay in 2007, or around Rp 14.6 trillion, to support more than 437,000 troops and civilians.
Clearly the answer here is not to simply cut back the personnel in one go. This certainly would cause major national instability if soldiers and bureaucrats were faced with possible sudden unemployment. This much history has taught us.
Instead, the long-term solution we might want to consider here is the revamping and tightening of the TNI's recruitment policies at the academy level.
Such recruitment reform at the academy level could pave the way in the future to cut personnel defense spending gradually in the long run (quantitatively), while increasing the pay scale of soldiers and officers to a sufficient level (qualitatively).
More importantly, however, this could help solve the problem of "the inflation of generals" and promotional logjam where, to put it crudely, there are many officers, but few positions available.
Scholars argued that this promotional logjam began to surface during the late Soeharto and early reformasi periods when there was an increasing frequency of massive personnel reshuffles while the tenure of military commands was, in many instances, decreasing.
This was seen as a consequence of the increasing size of the officer corps by leaps and bounds in the 1960s through 1970s.
From the 59 cadets who graduated in the first class in 1960, the military academy later graduated 433 cadets in 1965. Later on, the number dropped to 85 graduates in 1976 only to rise again to 102 in 1980 and eventually 281 in 1991 -- resulting in an overall average of around 250 cadets per year.
The increasing size of the officer corps along with the domination of certain classes that held back succeeding classes have been argued by scholars to have contributed not only to a massive personnel reshuffle, but also to intense rivalry and feuds.
Especially amid the increasingly competitive promotional space as envisaged by the late Gen. Benny Moerdani, some officers with political connections back then could easily rise through the ranks.
During the New Order, it seems plausible to argue that the size of the officer corps was not a problem as ABRI's (as the TNI was known during Soeharto's era) "dual function" (dwifungsi) and secondment of officers to civilian positions (kekaryaan) could provide additional billets for middle and high-ranking officers.
Moreover, while personnel, budgetary and even perhaps political considerations may have guided decisions about cadet intake, the idea during the 1960s of developing a modern military academy and consolidating military education should also be factored in.
Is this still the case today? In late October this year, the Military Academy inducted 531 cadets, with 304 for the Army, 127 for the Navy and 100 for the Air Force.
In the absence of kekaryaan and dwifungsi, as well as the shrinking number of posts available to officers in the post-Soeharto bureaucracy, should we not ask why the number of cadets inducted this year is higher than average?
Finally, by reforming recruitment policies, we could not only have a more efficient and well-paid military force, but we could also increase the quality of Indonesia's future military leaders.
Political scholar Sukardi Rinakit has shown that there has been a decline in the quality of the officer corps as younger officers today were only average students in high school with an average grade of 6.5, compared with the high-quality students in the early 1970s and 1980s, whose average grade was 8.0. This, he argued, could make future military leaders more aggressive and less open-minded.
This argument might put too much emphasis on the significance of intellectual acuity and neglect leadership and other qualities, but an increasingly complex security environment coupled with a hardly breathing domestic defense establishment will require us to eventually incorporate the idea of a "soldier scholar" into our lexicon.
In other words, the challenge of repositioning the military to tackle the increasingly complex security environment in an even more complex democratic setting would at the very least require a mind at work.
Source www.thejakartapost.com
The writer is a research analyst at the Indonesia Programme, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.
Jumat, 28 November 2008
Village-based governance
This article was published in the Daily Kompas, Central Java, December 30, 2006
By the facts taken from this site Romi Febriyanto Saputro
Government official site in Sragen regency, www.sragen.go.id, on 21 October 2006, revealed that for decentralization to the village in 2007, Sragen implement village-based government. There will be three civil servants in each village. Thus, for the 208 villages in Sragen, required 624 employees who are ready to be assigned in the village. Personnel civil servants (PNS) consists of one person agricultural extension and two programs that focus on the empowerment of rural communities.
Duty is a direct extension of farmers in the village to build the ecosystem, agriculture, animal husbandry, fishery and the ideal. Two other people have to really recognize the potential and conditions in their respective villages to be developed in accordance with the needs of the village.
To implement this program, the intranet network must have been to every village to report the flow control and can function well every day. Supported by at least two computer units in each village is expected that the village can actually known.
Village-based government is a trustee of Government Regulation No. 72 Year 2005 on the village. PP 72/2005 is born as a follow-up rising from the Law number 8 of 2005 on Changes to Law No. 32 of 2004 on Regional Government.
Although there are changes in laws, the substance of the village does not change.
Substance first, diversity. This is adapted to the origin of social and cultural conditions of the local community. This means that the pattern of governance and rural development must respect the value system that applies to the local community without forgetting the value of the system together in the life of nationalism and state.
Second, participation. Active participation of villagers is required in Providing governance and development process. Third, genuine autonomy. This means that the authority to set administration in managing the community and rights based on the origin and value of the local social culture.
Fourth, democratization. Governance and implementation of rural development must accommodate the aspirations of the community and favorable diartikulasi BPD through the village and social institutions as partners the village government.
Fifth, the empowerment of the community. Governance and implementation of rural development aimed to improve the welfare and prosperity of the people through policies and programs of activities in accordance with the priority needs of the community.
In a sociological perspective, the characteristics of the village is relatively simple. It is this simplicity that distinguishes the community with the city. The city has a community activity that is more complex.
Simplicity villagers to make them more active participation in government activities and development. Their participation in paying taxes and building earth (UN), mutual cooperation, and pilkades far higher than the city.
For that, government programs based on the village not to fall into the "kotanisasi" village. Villages with agriculture, animal husbandry, and fishery as a breath of life must be kept in its sustainability. In other words, "the village modernization yes, but not kotanisasi village!"
Ironically,
Ironically, many current land rice fields to the interests of the dialihfungsikan factories and housing. Instead the function of this land instead evoke the work of farmers into factory workers. The number of farmers are increasingly reduced. As a result, Runtuhlah superiority of the Indonesian nation exporter of rice into rice importer nation.
There are four kinds of approaches that need to be taken to implement the government based in the village. First, the approach is oriented in the resolution of the problem. Resolving the problem is the duty of the government's most often overlooked. The farmers are often left to solve their own problems.
Increase in fertilizer prices, scarcity of fertilizers, and the low selling price of unhulled rice is a classic problem faced by farmers. However, the government response was very slow.
In fact, I rarely even create government policies that harm farmers, for example, the rice import policy. Recognized or not, this policy is causing the selling price of unhulled rice to be low, only enough to recover the cost of production.
Second, the approach is oriented on the improvement of human resources villages. According to Rogers and Shoemaker, one of the obstacles in efforts to empower human resources is a village mentality Lack of thinking for the future. This means that the ability of farmers to have very limited future. This resulted in the farmers have difficulties to improve the welfare of their life. Empowerment programs of human resources need to be directed to the village "to re-install" this kind of mentality.
Third, the approach is oriented at strengthening the role of village economy. Mangku Purnomo (2004), said that the social and economic institutions can be a container village farmers to mengaspirasikan economic motives. Institutional this course will have meaning in the strategic empowerment of society.
Fourth, the approach is oriented on increasing the knowledge and skills of rural communities. In this case, the government can build a library and the village hall in the village of exercise work. Real synergy between the library and training center is expected to make the village "get information".
Fifth, the approach is oriented on improving the performance of government agencies. It is important to remember the current dependence of farmers against the government is still quite high. The performance of government institutions that will open opportunities for farmers to improve the welfare of their life.
Facts taken from this site Romi Febriyanto Saputro librarian at the Library Sragen regency, Central Java
No surprises in Aceh: Lessons from N. Ireland
David Rose , Jakarta
As someone who spent all of my childhood and most of my adult life living in Northern Ireland during the secessionist conflict that we call the "Troubles", the recently released International Crisis Group report -- Pre-Election Anxieties in Aceh -- was frankly, not surprising.
In fact, were the authors to go back to their report and replace "Aceh" with "Northern Ireland" it would accurately reflect the issues that undermined confidence in the period immediately after the signing of our peace accord in 1998. Yet ten years later the peace process goes on, our new democratic institutions whilst not yet permanent, feel secure and significantly progress is finally being made to confront the many social issues arising from the conflict. The key question is what lessons have been learnt?
Before discussing lessons learnt from the Northern Ireland peace process, I would like to make clear that this writer works on the principal of "Shared Experience." In workshops, I appraise the Northern Ireland experience as a means to illustrating the dynamics at play during our peace process.
Whilst I believe that common understanding exists amongst those who have experienced conflict, I do not believe it is possible for an outsider to direct parties to successful outcomes. Rather establishing common ground through the sharing of experiences allows peace builders an opportunity to explore another situation and adapt the lessons learnt to build a strategic approach appropriate to their circumstance. In this way, the parties to the 2005 Memorandum of Understanding may be able to adapt and devise strategies to overcome their own problems.
So what are those key lessons from Northern Ireland?
The first is to realize that the peace process never ends; it merely throws up new and different problems. When I look back on the period running up to the 1998 Belfast Agreement, I am embarrassed at my naivety. At that time I believed an accord would in itself be the solution to our situation. In truth, the day the deal was signed, a whole new set of challenges emerged:
o The political and militant opposition to the deal emerged and constantly sought to undermine it. I attended more funerals in the period after the accord than I did before. All were people killed through internal feuding.
o Many former militants had no work skills to make a living in the post-conflict economy. They turned to crime and as a result seriously undermined the population's sense of well being.
o The challenge of implementation of what was written in the deal became increasingly difficult as a serious lack of trust continued to exist between all parties.
o People's expectations of a quick turn around in their economic fortunes were soon proved to be unrealistically high and as a result they became increasingly disillusioned.
All these problems still exist to a greater or lesser extent, what we have learnt is that they are not reasons to bring the whole process to a halt.
The second is never lose faith in the process. Even in the euphoria of 1998, I never seriously believed that the militant groups would ever cease to exist in a paramilitary form.
A decade later, the two principal groups, the Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Ulster Volunteer Force have both voluntarily ceased to exist as "military" entities. This change happened because it became politically unsustainable for both groups to exist.
As the causes of conflict were addressed, the two organizations were faced with a choice -- continue and potentially mutate into mafia-type gangs or depart the stage on their own terms. Both chose the latter as it was the will of the majority of their members. It took over a decade from the ceasefires to reach this point and for most of that time many thought the ill-discipline and criminal activity of some former militants would destroy the whole process. In the end, staying the course delivered because it was the process that created the dynamic.
The third lesson is always being honest. Every conflict is a mass of human stories, each one as legitimate as the other. Peace builders must always seek to empathize with those who having survived years of conflict now have to overcome the challenges of peace, particularly:
o The traumatized victims,
o The families mourning the loss of loved ones,
o The newly unemployed combatants,
o The political and community leaders struggling to lead people through the most painful of transformations, and
o Those who feel they have lost.
All have legitimate issues to overcome and none should be dismissed. In truth, there are no ready answers to these issues. In Northern Ireland, we are coming to terms with the fact that whilst offer as much support as is possible, we cannot solve every problem for every person and this writer believes the best any society can do is admit that truth They won't love you for it, but people do respect honesty.
The fourth lesson is to recognize that "Peace" is an ill-defined situation that will never truly be reached. For a decade, I believed that Northern Ireland might eventually reach a point where all our problems were resolved and the peace process could be complete. Eventually, I realized that this would never happen because even the most successful societies have problems. And those of us who work to build "Peace" should remember that.
There will always be crime and criminals. There will always be political division, and there will always be economic winners and losers. A healthy society recognizes these truths and seeks to manage them through well-supported civil policing, robust democratic institutions, and adequate support for those at the bottom of the economic ladder. In Northern Ireland, we have made significant progress towards the healthy outcome and thus can claim to have reached a level of "Peace".
Though the parties to the 2005 MOU should recognize the need to find strategies to address the problems highlighted in the ICG report, no one should be surprised at how slow and difficult progress has been. As former prisoner and UVF leader Gusty Spence told the small group of prisoners who would go on to initiate the "Northern Ireland Peace Strategy" within the Loyalist constituency, a peace process is "a marathon not a sprint."
The writer is a professional consultant, trainer and advisor specializing conflict transformation, who has worked on National Democratic Institute programs across the world, most notably in West Bank/Gaza and Aceh.
Source www.thejakartapost.com
Senin, 24 November 2008
Corruption the biggest threat to Indonesian development
Paul Wolfowitz, Jakarta
What the Asian crisis showed -- nowhere more clearly than in Indonesia -- is that corruption is often is at the very root of why governments don't work.
Today, one of the biggest threats to development in many countries -- including this one -- is corruption. It weakens the systems, it distorts the market, and it therefore encourages non-productive skills.
In the end, governments and citizens will pay a price, in lower incomes, lower investment, and more volatile economic swings.
This is a lesson that Indonesia learned the hard way. After the progress of the last 20 years, corruption contributed significantly to the economic collapse of the late 1990s. It now looms as a major obstacle to achieving the development successes this country is capable of -- and which the Indonesian people deserve.
Corruption not only undermines the ability of governments to function properly, it also stifles private sector growth.
We hear it from investors -- both domestic and foreign -- who worry that where corruption is rampant, contracts are unenforceable, competition is skewed and the cost of doing business is stifling. When investors see that, they take their money elsewhere.
To give an idea: In Indonesia, 56 percent of surveyed firms say they are willing to pay more taxes -- in fact half are willing to pay up to 5 percent of their revenues -- if corruption could be eliminated.
Corruption thrives in countries where private investors face cumbersome procedures and excessive regulations. When extra licenses are needed to start a business, when extra signatures are required to import goods, it creates opportunities for abuse of authority and for corruption.
Our estimates show that the time to start a business has already fallen from 151 days to below 80 days, and we are hopeful that the government will reach its target. That would be a wonderful success story.
Perhaps the most important challenge lies in the enforcement of contracts. On this front, Indonesia ranks amongst the lowest in the world -- 145 out of 155. In fact, investors' lack of trust in the legal system is one of the problems that have brought investment levels down to half of those in your fast-growing neighbors.
Indonesia has already begun to confront some of these difficult challenges. President Yudhoyono has launched a tough anti-corruption drive that is holding public officials accountable across all levels of government.
New institutions like the Anti-Corruption Commission, the Anti-Corruption Court, the Judicial Commission and Timtastipikor are up and running and producing results. And institutions like the Supreme Audit Commission and the Attorney General's Office are showing newfound strength.
Even more important are the measures taken to reduce opportunities and incentives for corruption, led by an impressive economic team.
Weknow that when governments don't work, the development assistance we provide to governments doesn't work either. It means that children are denied the education they need. Mothers are denied the health care they deserve and countries are denied the institutions needed to deliver real results.
Fighting corruption is a long-term commitment. We cannot expect results overnight.
What we can expect is steady progress towards building transparent and accountable institutions. That is why fighting corruption requires a long-term strategy that systematically and progressively attacks the problem. And that is why any strategy for solving a problem requires the commitment and participation of governments, citizens and the private sector.
There's been a lot of attention recently to a number of actions we've taken to suspend lending in existing projects where corruption concerns have emerged.
The World Bank Group's country strategy for Indonesia is one that particularly emphasizes governance. In partnership with the Indonesian government, we will commit $900 million per year to strengthening governance, with the goal of improving service delivery in education, health and other essential services and enhancing the investment climate.
In countries like Indonesia where the government is committed to fighting corruption, our resources anbd expertise can make a difference.
Enforcement alone will not cure corruption. How much we do, and how much progress we make, depends on the desire of both governments and civil society to create the right setting for sound, strong, sustainable development.
The greatest changes come when the ideas people carry in their heads change. In many countries, people are not as tolerant of corruption as they were in the past.
The good news is that in Indonesia, the social and economic achievements of the last forty years have created a demand for government that works. The people of Indonesia recognize that with transparent and accountable governance, they stand a better chance of reducing corruption...of improving their quality of life...and securing a better future for their children.
The article is condensed from an address made by the World Bank President at a discussion on democracy, governance and development held Tuesday night in conjunction with Tempo media group's 35th anniversary.
Laws against torture needed
On Jan. 22, 2007, Hartoyo was at home with his partner, Bobby (not his real name), when two men forcibly entered his house and proceeded to vandalize his property before assaulting the two men. Hartoyo and Bobby were then dragged outside to a place where a crowd of around 15 people had gathered. They were subjected to beatings and verbal abuse. Hartoyo was ordered by the attackers to immediately vacate the boarding house. The attackers then informed the local police authorities.
The two victims were taken by four police officers to the Banda Raya Police Station where they were made to strip down to their underwear and were viciously beaten and verbally abused by the officers. The police officers later sexually abused Hartoyo and then forced his partner to perform oral sex on him. The two were then dragged to the police station courtyard where officers sprayed them with ice-cold water.
The police also forced Bobby to urinate on Hartoyo's head. Hartoyo and his partner were then taken to a police lockup, where they were held until morning.
This ruthless, inhuman and barbaric torture has been a cavernous trauma for Hartoyo. Furthermore, this abysmal event scars Indonesia's face of humanity.
More than a year later, in October 2008, the case was finally tried by the Banda Aceh District Court. However, as the court regarded the torture merely as a minor offense, there was only one judge hearing the case.
During the trial, the judge did not examine the acts of torture but rather focused on Hartoyo's sexual orientation. The judge advised him to turn away from sin, giving the impression that it was permissible for the perpetrators to beat and assault the victims because of their different sexual orientation.
In about 30 minutes, the judge had made his decision: The four perpetrators were sentenced to three months' imprisonment with six months of probation and a fine of Rp 1,000.
Given that the case was tried as a minor offense, the verdict was final and binding -- leaving no hope for the victim to appeal.
Hartoyo's case is only one example of how the Indonesian legal apparatus treats this kind of torture. The court obviously treats the "common enemies of all mankind and all nations" nicely and inadequately by ruling they only committed a minor offense.
From this case, we can also draw the conclusion that torture creates double standards within the state institutions, especially the police and judiciary. How is it possible that such severe violence took place in this very modern day and the perpetrators received a very light punishment?
This case demonstrates how the absence of laws on torture resulted in no justice for the victims of torture. The absence of laws on torture denies victims and their families any avenue for justice and redress. The right to redress and compensation for grievances wreaked by the State is a fundamental principle of the Convention against Torture, to which Indonesia is a party. Indonesia, which does not provide a legal remedy for such unspeakable acts, is also violating its international obligation imposed under the Convention.
Reports from many national and international human rights groups show there have never been investigations into cases of torture and other ill-treatment, and where victims have been reluctant to submit a complaint to the relevant authorities. Even if the perpetrators were convicted, they were not convicted under the laws on torture. Definitely, there is a problem in dealing with torture in Indonesia.
The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture has recommended that for a country such as Indonesia, there is a crucial need for an independent national authority, such as a national commission or ombudsman with investigatory and/or prosecutorial powers, which should be immediately established to receive and to investigate complaints on torture cases.
Complaints about torture should be dealt with without further delay and should also be investigated by an independent authority with no connection to that which is investigating or prosecuting the case against the alleged victim. Wherever a person has a plausible complaint of having been tortured by the police or military officers, it too entails the notion of an effective remedy.
Without establishing a proper, impartial and effective accountability mechanism to investigate torture cases as well as enacting domestic laws on torture, there will be more cases like Hartoyo's in the near future. Indonesia's tortured commitment, apparently, is dragging the country into a tortured nation.
The writer is the Program Director of the Community Legal Aid Institute. He can be reached at rgunawan@lbhmasyarakat.org
Can 38 parties create an effective governance?
Boni Hargens , Jakarta
Why does the government tend to be ineffective in implementing public policy? That is the question of De Figueiredo, Jr in his 2002 paper titled, "Electoral Competition, Political Uncertainty, and Policy Insulation". He argues that political uncertainty is the root of evil. Uncertainty denotes a complex political process that ends in a deadlock.
For Figueiredo, uncertainty is not a taken-for-granted state but implicated by complex electoral competition among different political forces.
If the above question is converted into how to implement an effective policy, we then automatically will discuss the quality of government as the output of electoral competition. To come straight to the point, the true question is whether or not a 38-party electoral competition in the upcoming 2009 elections can create an effective government.
A set of coalition strategies built by political parties is a beginning. But there are no strong variables that will guarantee that such a maximum coalition can build an effective presidential government because the boundaries are blurred and this is simply a "wild political maneuver" among political parties.
This happens for various reasons, such as (a) an ideologically dissimilar coalition or dissimilar political targets, (b) an over-exploitation of the figurative or popularity aspect when recruiting candidates for leaders and (c) a tendency to sweep the quality of leadership out of the electoral realm.
To some extent, polls published by independent researchers in term of leadership quality are jailed by particular disputes around who is the most popular to be a president. Popularity stands is not a significant correlation with quality. Some may be highly popular and qualified at the same time, but popularity per se does not imply leadership quality.
Talking about change then, is to talk about the quality of leadership. If we examine all current surveys in depth, we can see there is no specific survey that addresses public perception of the degree of leadership among every presidential candidate who has appeared on the surface.
Behind this dynamic game, we can synthesize that democracy is being insulated by pragmatic forces. On the one hand, to a certain point a political party is unable to self-reform and on the other hand, civil forces are giving less and less concern to this banal political process. Hence is it contingent to expect 2009 elections that are valuable?
Substantially, the 2009 elections will be very valuable and will become a critical turning point in this country's democratic history if the process is the priority, not the results per se or the contests in themselves -- at least this can be the idea for a political party in understanding coalition. One nodal point stressed along this line is that the elections will transcend to struggles for upgrading the quality of democracy.
Barack Obama in the United States ran ahead of John S. McCain in the polls when Obama mapped a feasible change agenda -- not being stuck in past romanticism as McCain was with his heroic moments in the Vietnam War.
The same fate will befall the big established parties in our country in the context that no parties will be accepted among the population if they only stand on a historical foundation. The horizon must include performances on how and what parties will do and should do for the greatest number of people. The main intention is what parties will do to combat political uncertainty.
In specifics, the intentions of politics are to fight for the survival of its citizens, to defend the poor's right-to-live, to set the oppressed free and to let the uneducated dream of schooling -- not only because education is an instrument for vertical social mobilization but also as education is a right of the citizens.
In terms of talking about rights, the Liberals and the Republicans have disputed this for years. For Liberals, the foundation of a state's existence is to fulfill individual interests for each of its citizens, but the Republicans are convinced that the state must act in its own interests, not only as a tool for fulfilling individual needs. Habermas effects to end such creative tension through what he calls "deliberative democracy". The core principle is how to maximize popular participation in the political process.
This precisely is our fundamental issue -- how to maximize popular participation in the state when democracy is being insulated by pragmatic forces. Political parties as formal power-seeking organizations and as a bridge between society and the political system have been put into question -- reflect on the increase of non-voters during recent local elections -- for their oligarchical domination and absolute pragmatism where their quality is subordinated to money. It is predicted that the 2009 elections will be hung up by such pragmatical forces.
The question then is how to set our democratic imagination free from the tunnel's darkness? The change -- which will be the nodal point of our expected struggle in the upcoming 2009 elections -- will have to meet some of the following conditions: (a) politics will be led by a new progressive and mainstream politic (new political party?) that enters the political realm with a feasible and transformative agenda of change, (b) the party sells its agenda or program at the grassroots level and no longer exists because of its popularity and (c) finally voters have sufficient information and knowledge about the candidates or contestant parties so that people can come to the ballot with a good conscience and genuine good will.
The writer is a lecturer at Political Science Department, University of Indonesia and Director of Merdeka Center for Strategic Study. He can be reached at bonnyhargens@yahoo.com.au
Source www.thejakartapost.com
Coping with financial crisis via online social networks
Matthew Fraser and Soumitra Dutta , Singapore
In the fallout of the global financial meltdown, it's difficult to think of a positive side to the economic crisis. But it actually might be good news for Web 2.0 social networking.
It would reasonable to predict that social networking sites like LinkedIn, Plaxo, Ning -- and even Facebook -- will see their membership ranks soar in coming weeks and months as widespread insecurity drives people to connect with others to boost their social capital.
There can be no doubt that, as people worry about their financial security and career situation, many will feel compelled to plug into online social networks. Anxious about their institutional status inside vertical hierarchies, people will turn to the social dynamics of horizontal networks.
The empirical data already appears to validate this hypothesis. In the spring when petrol prices were spiking, Neilson released findings that suggested people were networking online to "cope" with hard economic times.
LinkedIn meanwhile has been boasting soaring membership numbers, reaching 28 million worldwide. Nobody will be surprised to learn that many of LinkedIn's new sign-ups are coming from the financial sector, whose membership has doubled. It may be hard to feel sorry for bonus-bloated investment bankers, but many are frantically dusting off their CVs and rushing to online social networks in the hope of repositioning their careers.
A new LinkedIn survey has revealed that 42 percent of the network's members feel their job security has been impacted by the economic crisis, while 13 percent say it's too soon to tell. In other words, more than half of LinkedIn's worldwide membership is scared.
Some have dismissed LinkedIn as "Facebook for losers" -- in other words, for opportunists who are looking only out for themselves in the job market. This attitude underlines two fundamental tensions that we analyze in some detail in Throwing Sheep in the Boardroom. The first is the tension between rational and non-rational motivations to belong to social groups. The second is between "close" and "weak" social ties.
Motivations for joining social networking sites are varied and complex. At risk of oversimplifying, we can classify motivations into two broad categories: rational and non-rational. Professionals who join sites like LinkedIn are primarily motivated by rational calculations related to their career interests. Most teenagers who collect "friends" on MySpace, on the other hand, are not looking to improve their career prospects. Their social interaction is motivated primarily by a non-rational instinct to forge social bonds based on common values, beliefs, passions and so forth.
Most of us like to feel connected to others through close-knit ties or shared interests and passions. Yet ironically, we frequently depend on people with whom we maintain only "weak" ties -- especially when we are looking for a job. The strength-of-weak-ties theory was famously elaborated by American sociologist Mark Granovetter. He defined "weak ties" as social relationships characterized by infrequent contact, an absence of emotional closeness, and no history of reciprocal favors. In professional parlance, you might say people in your "extended network".
Granovetter found that we rely on "weak tie" connections much more often than we think. Most intelligent job-seekers don't turn to close friends or family for jobs, unless they are expecting to benefit from the advantages of cronyism or nepotism. Most turn to their extended network. And most business networks are based on relatively "weak tie" associations.
Which brings us back to the economic downturn. When out-of-work investment bankers scramble to sign up to LinkedIn, they are making a rational calculation. They're not looking for friends; they are seeking to leverage the strength of weak ties.
What happens, however, when people start invading Facebook where "friend" values are embedded in the site's social etiquette? It's easy to see how a tension between non-rational and rational motivations could create conflict on Facebook. And yet Facebook is cluttered with self-promoters, career artists, and marketing entrepreneurs. Can these people really be considered "friends"? And just how many Facebook "friends" can we reasonably have anyway?
Anthropologists tell us that it's impossible to maintain stable social relationships with more than 150 people. This is widely known as "Dunbar's Number", named after British anthropologist Robin Dunbar, who argued that the necessary ritual of "social grooming" breaks down in groups whose membership exceeds roughly 150.
If we apply Dunbar's figure to all social networking sites, any "friend" list that exceeds 150 is not credible -- and pushes social networking into the zone rational calculation. Maintaining a professional network of more than 150 connections on LinkedIn might be plausible, but it would appear to be humanly impossible to maintain social relations with more than 150 different people.
And yet many Facebook profiles feature "friend" lists that not only surpass that figure, but double, triple, and quadruple it. Some Facebook "friend" lists count in the thousands. Which leads to the question: is the virtual world exempt from basic laws of socio-anthropology?
While we ponder that question, it's a safe bet that the economic downturn will boost sign-ups for sites like LinkedIn and Facebook. And that this membership drive will further blur the line between rational instincts to connect socially with like-minded people and rational calculations to build social networks for self-interested reasons.
Matthew Fraser is a Senior Research Fellow and Soumitra Dutta is Roland Berger Chaired Professor of Business and Technology at INSEAD. Their forthcoming book, Throwing Sheep in the Boardroom: How Online Social Networking Will Change Your Life, Work and World, is published by Wiley.
Source : www.thejakartapost.com
Sabtu, 15 November 2008
When Pornography in Indonesia
The facts taken from this site Romi Febriyanto Saputro
TINDAK pornography in the more distressing. In addition to research the AP news agency that Indonesia kingdom of heaven pornography as the number two after Russia, pornography has become attached behaviors society. Research conducted by Center for Legal Studies University of Indonesia Islamic states around 15 percent of 202 respondents teenagers aged 15 - 25 years old have a sexual relationship, as affected by the impressions of pornography through the Internet, VCD, TV and reading pornography. From the research also revealed 93.5 percent have witnessed teenager with porn VCDs simply want to know the reason for 69.6 percent and other reasons only 18.9 percent.
The phenomenon is of course very alarming us all, irrespective of the validity of the research and obyektifitas. According to the National Ensiklopedi Indonesia, in the definition of pornography is now serving the paper, sculptures, pictures, photos, live pictures (movies) or voice recording, which can cause appetite birahi offensive taste and social community. Pornography refers to the original works of Ancient Greek literature that describes the behavior of prostitutes. In the Ancient Greek language, meaning porne prostitutes and graphein means writing.
In English, there is a term other than obscenity nudity. Obscenity refers to anything that is obscene, immoral and scandalous. But the laws against obscenity only in the United States and Great Britain is only valid for field incivility in the sexual assault.
Ancient Greek society, which holds the naturalistis not consider sex or have sex in a frank as something immoral. The female folk like priapus praised the statue as a fertility god. The statue is a head of a bearded man who placed on a pedestal in the middle of the base and there genitals of men.
Public in Ancient Rome, there are paintings on the walls of Pompeii shrine, which describes the ways bersenggama. Paintings of this is evidence of pornography in the history of the Ancient Roman culture.
At that time, famous Ars Amatoria (Art of Love Asmara), the paper writer Ovidus, which consists of three volumes and discuss in detail ways persuade, stimulate appetite and tempt sex (Alex E Rachim, 1997)
Pornography spread to Europe in the mid-century, with low taste, in the form of farce and present material contains a short verse of satire. Is the story of the famous works of Giovanni Boccaccio Decameron, which contains about 100 stories no profanity. The discovery of printing equipment gives the opportunity for the dissemination of books pornografis story.
The stories that contain humor and a love affair written for the purpose of stimulating or entertaining birahi readers. Then in European papers appear first modern values that do not contain literature and aims only to stimulate birahi. What is known from the days in the UK is the book Fanny Hill; or Memoirs of a Woman of pleasure (1749) by John Cleland.
The spread of pornography becomes difficult when then be found photography and motion picture (film). Since World War II, pornography in the form of writing to get competition from the big serving of the overt erotic behavior (obscenity) in visual form.
During recent decades porn industry also grew rapidly in several countries and is estimated to yield 7 billion U.S. dollars a year. Produced industry also include various medicines and tools pemuas sexual relations.
Past be entrenched
According to Yasraf Amir Piliang (1998), the development of community-century global capitalism to-21 are marked by two logic, the logic of the release of appetite (libido) and the logic of speed, both the potential for social bankruptcy.
Global capitalism is no longer simply associated with the expansion of the capital, and territorial market, but now more associated with the expansion of the flow of libido and appetite vibration. Qur'an depict this condition in the Letter of Muhammad (47) paragraph 12, "And those who disbelieve enjoy (the world) and they will eat like animals?"
Our society seems to have been contaminated by way of materialism and hedonism of life, a life that sure is a measure of material and simply looking for pure enjoyment. With disregard morality, morals as a human being of the community and social ethics.
Like it or not must be recognized and Pornoaction pornography has become a culture in our community, as the virus of corruption, collusion and nepotism. Since entering the reform era Indonesia grew pornography developed.
Once the tap is opened freedom of the press, media and porn start developing Ironically get warm welcome from the community. If before the reform era, people are still embarrassed by the smell of pornography, the era of reform in this community is not embarrassed again.
Television screen every day we always met by impressions, the impressions and spirited porn, either in the form of entertainment, music, movies, ads and patron. With reason in accordance with the taste of the community.
Ngebor rocking one of our singers have inspired other singers, so the name was born ngecor rocking, rocking broken-broken, rocking kayang and other branches shake erotic.
What is more alarming again largely from television erotic nuance that have a high enough rating, which means an indication the majority of the people we love impressions of Eroticism. Yet again with the advertising world that we are using the appeal of Eroticism women to sell their products.
Or use words that contain the imagination and tone of erotic speech. But if the ad is not surprising that motorcycle and instant noodles also use charm women section. As if afraid the world of sport behindhand The culture also made by the Eroticism, for example, a sport boxing is always lenggak swing with a beautiful woman dressed in sexy.
In the Qur'an explicitly Allah SWT disallow any behavior that can be approached adultery, including pornography, Pornoaction, prostitution and all forms of variants.
He said in Al-Isra (17), paragraph 32, "And do not approach adultery, adultery is indeed an act of indecency. And a road that bad." From the word of God is clearly prohibit servants from fornication, handle, and interact with things that can cause or drag to intimacy.
Moral message in the Qur'an seems to have been ignored by many people that most (confess) religion of Islam. With various pretext, such as freedom of expression, art and relatifitas difinisi pornography, they dissolve in the act of knowing if indeed heart-cutty adultery.
What is more surprising when there are more Anti-Pornography Bill, which among many interpret this as something that controversial. According to a number of institutions among the countries need not take too much pornography is still not clear limitations, and if so what functions the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia? If state institutions are no longer able to educate and organize the people, it emerged that only people who terdegradasi moral and eventually akhlaknya that will lead to social ruin. (33)
Romi Febriyanto Saputro-facts taken from this site, the Office of Library librarian Sragen Regency
Source : Suara Merdeka, 29 November 2003
Senin, 03 November 2008
Going global through creativity
Yasmi Adriansyah, Geneva
The various labels -- creative, content, copyright-based and cultural industries -- while to some extent have different meanings, generally share one thing in common. They are all industries which are generated with human creativity.
In Indonesia, the most widely used terminology used to describe these fields is the "creative industries". Surprisingly, more and more state officials (including ministers) have become familiar with, if not assertively campaigning for them.
This phenomenon is indeed encouraging. Not only does this bode well for the national economy, but is also believed to help boost the Indonesia's international image.
The power of creative industries has been recognized increasingly in recent years. This is one of the reasons why in October 2007, the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) -- an international organization tasked to encourage global innovation and creativity -- convened the 1st WIPO International Conference on Intellectual Property and Creative Industries.
According to recent observations, contributions of these industries in countries surveyed by WIPO ranges broadly. On average, they contribute between five and 10 percent to either the economies' gross domestic product (GDP) or absorption of human resources. However, in some countries, such as the United States and the Philippines, the percentages were even higher.
Creative industries play a role in creating a positive image of countries. In the area of popular culture for example, many of us would know Shaggy, a Jamaican reggae singer, composer and producer. Because of his popularity, Jamaica's flag rises proudly on the world music stage. Shaggy is now not only regarded as a brand name for reggae, but also an ambassador for Jamaican music.
In the case of Indonesia, the power of creative industries are indeed encouraging. Based on studies carried out by the Trade Ministry (in 2007), the productivity of workers in these industries between 2002 and 2006 was up to Rp 19.5 million. This figure is in fact more than the average national productivity, which was less than Rp 18 million. Fashion and handicrafts were the two industries that contributed most to this.
In recent years, we have witnessed some other increases in creative industries in Indonesia. One of these was the emergence of Habiburrahaman El Shirazy and Andrea Hirata who were recently noted as extraordinary writers. The effect of their creativity has not only seduced the writing industry, but has multiplied into other sectors such as music and film. The movies Ayat-Ayat Cinta and Laskar Pelangi, based on novels of Shirazy and Hirata, respectively, gained overwhelming success.
The emergence of Shirazy and Hirata has not only contributed to growth of the creative industries, but has also played a significant role in boosting the country's international image. The novel Laskar Pelangi, for example, has been translated into a number of foreign languages, which just goes to show how appealing the novel is for international readers.
Put simply, creative industries in Indonesia are indeed a power. If handled with care, particularly in the area of protecting intellectual property rights (IPR), these industries will grow sustainably and become more momentous for the country's economy.
The notion of intellectual property rights protection for creative industries is indeed sine qua non for Indonesia. Without such protection, the industries may deviate in the middle of their departure to the "promised land", and trickle away from the prosperous Indonesia that we are all aiming for.
Embarking from the above-mentioned notion, it is now essential for Indonesia to become more aware of the importance of IPR. To some extent, we even should be more aware of the need for enforcement, which is commonly regarded as merely the game of developed countries. With the substantial growth of the creative industries in Indonesia, enforcement is indeed a necessary means. In other words, these industries need IPR protection. Full stop.
The writer is an Indonesian diplomat serving in Geneva, Switzerland. He can be reached at yasmi_adriansyah@hotmail.com
Source : The Jakarta Post, November 03, 2008
Is McCain close to RI?
John Lee, Sydney
The common wisdom is that a Barack Obama presidency will be better news for Indonesia and Southeast Asia. After all, Obama fondly recalls the four formative years he spent in Indonesia from the age of six until ten years old. Moreover, many believe that America under a Democratic administration will be more "outward looking" and a "better listener" than under a Republican one whether it is George W Bush or John McCain at the helm.
In contrast, the same year Obama arrived in Indonesia as a child, John McCain began a six year stint in Hanoi as a prisoner-of-war from 1967-1973. This has shaped McCain's personality, and perhaps the style of his possible presidency. McCain is determined and headstrong.
He is also more confrontational than conciliatory, and listening to others is not noted as one of his stronger points. McCain would be greeted politely by many Indonesians. Obama will possibly be greeted rapturously. As the president of the United States, Obama appears the more exciting prospect for many Indonesians.
Individual background and personality is one thing. A difference in national security strategy -- which is much more important in determining the actions of the U.S. -- is another. America's foreign policy in Asia has not been a huge issue in the current campaign.
But this doesn't mean there are no important differences between the two candidates when it comes to Asia. In fact there are and they are significant. In many respects, a McCain administration will be much better aligned with Indonesian interests than an Obama one.
It comes down to what both candidates what to achieve most in our region for America over the period of their presidency.
John McCain will seek to build on what former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage wanted to achieve: Working with existing American alliance and security partners to "shape" the future of Asia. This means reaffirming existing security alliances with countries such as Japan, Thailand, Philippines, South Korea and Australia. It also means deepening relations with American security partners such as Malaysia and Indonesia.
This strategy is designed to not only improve American standing and influence in the region but to also "manage" the rise of China through its existing network of bilateral relationships. America recognizes that its period as an undisputed hegemony in the region is gradually declining. But by working with current allies and partners to shape the rules and institutions of the region, the plan is to prevent future Chinese mischief and persuade China that it is better to play by agreed rules than to subvert or revise them.
In other words, an administration under McCain would see partners in Southeast Asia (such as Indonesia) as critical to its East Asian strategy. This is something ASEAN powers (with the exception of Myanmar) should welcome.
Barack Obama would have a different strategy. Obama's most influential advisors on Asia such as Jeff Bader from Brookings came from the Bill Clinton administration. Under Obama, just as it was under Clinton, the centerpiece of American security strategy for the region will be to deepen its relationship with China.
But critically, this will be done primarily through direct and bilateral engagement with the Chinese. Rather than shape future Chinese preferences through working with existing partners in East and Southeast Asia, as McCain will attempt to do, America under Obama will try to deepen one-on-one relations with China. The foundation of this strategy is that tensions with China stem from "misunderstandings" rather than from any emerging structural or "values-based" conflicts of interest.
This does not mean that America will abandon its relationship with countries like Indonesia. It won't. But China will dominate America's attention. And when it comes to this all-important China-policy, Obama is unlikely to see a significant role for Southeast Asia.
There will be less consultation with Southeast Asian alliance and security partners simply because Southeast Asia will be viewed as strategically less relevant when it comes to the issue of "managing" the rise of China.
Both candidates will very quickly express affection and attribute importance to America's relationship with Indonesia upon assuming power. Barack Obama will be the more exciting personality as president of the U.S. for Indonesians. But John McCain will likely be a better ally.
The writer is a foreign policy visiting fellow at the Centre for Independent Studies in Sydney. His paper, China's Insecurity and Search for Power, will be released by CIS on Nov. 4.
Source www.The Jakarta Post.com , November 03, 2008